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Fake Privatization 110-1

英語で原文が書かれているし、日本語訳が出た形跡もないので、概略の説明をつけることにすると、当ブログは親切この上ないことになる。努力してみようと思う。

When the call came through, I had just reached my hut in Italy’s Dolomite Mountains. It was my editor, asking if I would give up my summer vacation to cover the conflict in Georgia.

丁度夏休みをイタリアのドロミテ山脈でとろうとした時に会社の編集長から、グルジアを取材してくれないかと電話があった。日頃会えない子供にとっても休みがふっとべば可哀想だが、編集長じきじきの電話で会ったし、記者のプライドを優先することになった。色がなく退屈な島国のことも書いてある。勿論日本駐在だからである。カメラマンとウィーンから出発する。2006年に北朝鮮を取材したときの相棒だという。

I had mixed feelings: regret for my children, who don’t see much of me all year; doubt, because I didn’t know much about the Caucasus; and pride, because my editor had asked me.

The request said to me that my editor does not consider me – as I always suspect – merely a specialist in an increasingly normal and thus irrelevant island nation.

Georgia is a lead story, and being asked to cover it was an honor, a challenge and an irresistible tonic after years of covering boring, colorless topics in Japan.

So pride won, and the prize was a bullet-proof vest. I was told to wear it for insurance reasons, but I had to wonder why I was not also issued a helmet. Eventually, I got one from a kind Russian MP – a nice and unexpected gesture.

Crossing into nearby Austria, I drove to Vienna, where I met up with Edoardo Adinolfi, the very brave, talented cameraman with whom I had covered North Korea in 2006 following its nuclear test.

PROPHECY OF THE NUNCIO
We chose the wrong day to fly to the Georgian capital of Tbilisi: Aug. 10, the one day Georgia’s main airport was closed to commercial flights. So we diverted to Erevan, Armenia, where we negotiated a ride with a local driver. And here we had a piece of luck.

グルジア首都の空港が8月10日は閉鎖されたので、アルメニアの首都に行き、そこから車を雇っていくことになったが、そこで幸運があった。エレバン空港で、バチカンの大使に偶然会って、グルジアの首都まで5時間車を乗り合いになったからである。大使はグルジアが、西側のマスコミに誤った情報を売り込もうとしていると警告したからである。グルジアの大統領は、ロシアの戦車がチェコやアフガニスタン同様に侵略しているといっているがそれは間違いだと、バチカン大使ははっきりと指摘した。一ヵ月後には明らかになったが当時は、目を開かせられたような指摘であった。大使の預言という小見出しがついている。

At Erevan Airport we bumped into Claudio Gugerotti, the Apostolic Nuncio (read: Vatican Ambassador), a veteran of the diplomatic corps in Georgia. As he also needed a ride, our five-hour trip to Tbilisi was enlivened by the the wise, witty and at times controversial comments of the nuncio.

It was Gugerotti who first alerted us to the possibility the Georgians may have sold the Western media an incorrect version of events.

“President (Mikhail) Sakaashvili loves to say the Russian tanks now occupying Georgia are the same ones that invaded Czechoslovakia and Afghanistan. They are not,” the nuncio declared.

One month later, that statement is much less an eye opener. But in early August the whole world was consumed with outrage at big, bad Russia’s invasion of poor, defenseless little Georgia.

We soon realized what Gugerotti meant when he cautioned us against being “overwhelmed by the Georgian government’s propaganda machine.”

WORMS ALL OVER THE MARRIOTT
Half of the lobby of Tbilisi’s Marriott Hotel had been “informally” but efficiently appropriated by a bizarre “detached government press center.” This was headed by one Patrick Worms, a partner in Aspect Solutions PR, an international agency that specializes in, among other things, “conflict management.”

戦争が民営化された現実について書いている。首都のマリオットホテルが、プレスセンターになっており、なんと、広告宣伝会社が仕切っている。外注ばやりの時代でも、戦争中の外国プレス対応を民間会社に委託しているのを実際に見たのは初めてだと指摘する。「歴史は勝者によって書かれるといわれたが、現在その歴史を書くのを広告会社に外注している」と皮肉っている。担当のコンサルタントは、只者ではなく、パキスタンや中国に駐在経験もある広い経験のある人のようだ。記者一人一人の名前を覚えて、世話をしてくれる。そうすれば、グルジア側に同情するようになるのは当たり前で、グルジア大統領の可哀想な国が、悪魔のようなロシアに侵略されたという筋がきになってくるのが普通であるが、逆効果になることもあった。ボスニアの合意のときの立役者のホルブルック氏の会見の時には、予想外のことで同志がグルジアの行動に対する疑いを表明したことで、フランス大使の会見などは、グルジアの軍服を着たロシア軍がフランス大使を銃で脅したという会見になるはずであったが、作り話であることを大使が明らかにして、会見が終わっても、オフレコで、グルジアがNATOに決して入ってはならない理由を記者に説明した。

With outsourcing so prevalent nowadays, perhaps we should not have been surprised by this. But this was the first time I had seen a sovereign government at war hiring a foreign company to “deal” with the international press.

It used to be said, “History is written by the winners.” Today the job can be outsourced to spinners!

Worms introduced himself to reporters as a “personal adviser and consultant.” But as a Google search confirms, Worms is a man of much wider experience. Among other gigs, he worked for the EU Commission in Pakistan and China promoting the rights of China’s Uighur minority.

With every journalist’s first name memorized, Worms was there to greet us in the morning and buy us beers at night. He would summon up whatever was needed: interpreters, drivers, interviews and briefings.

With such hospitality, how could one not sympathize with Sakaashvili and his poor country invaded by the evil-smelling Russians? Especially when the Russian troops, showing a complete lack of savoir-faire, sometimes aimed their fire directly at the foreign press.

Still, Worms’ efforts were often counterproductive. The offer of an exclusive interview with Richard Holbrooke, mastermind of the Dayton accord on Bosnia, went badly awry. After the American statesman expressed unexpected skepticism about Georgia’s actions, the meeting ended with Holbrooke publicly insulting the spinner.

But Worms’ biggest debacle unfolded in the Marriott bar, where he told European journalists, “I’ve arranged for the French ambassador to come and tell you an awful story – on the record.”

The narrative was supposed to relate how, at a military checkpoint, Ambassador Patrick Fournier had been insulted and robbed at gunpoint. The soldiers were wearing Georgian uniforms – but of course they weren’t Georgians, they were actually Russians who had stolen Georgian uniforms.

Three European national TV networks and several print journalists were ready to swallow the story. But it fell apart when the ambassador arrived to declare the tale a fabrication.

After expressing shock and outrage that the diplomat was not sticking to his own tale, Worms left the room in a huff. Fournier stayed and explained to us, off the record, why Georgia should never join NATO.

IF YOU’RE NOT PILLAGING, THEN LET US IN!
Each day we would commute from Tbilisi to Gori and the front lines to see the battlefield firsthand. And on these forays we would often encounter Russian troops. So a few of us began working on the Russians. We told them that even if they were winning on the ground, they were losing the battle for international public opinion – the “propaganda war.”

ロシア側の取材許可をどのようにとったかの面白い話が続く。南オセチアの首都に連れて行くので、ゴリにあるスターリンの銅像の下で会うとのクレムリンのプレス担当からのメールが入る。プレス担当は、24席あるミニバスに62人が乗って、南オセチアの首都に行く。農民が相乗りを頼むと、道路にほうっておけないというクレムリンのプレス担当のこと場が面白い。カラシニコフを持った兵隊も同乗している。首都は7万人の人口がはんげんしていた。オセチア人はペルシャ起源の独特な言葉を話す。ロシアのパスポートを持っており、ロシアの保険年金制度に加入している。ツクヒンバリは、破壊されたと聞いていたがそうではなかった。戦争での射撃ばかり二巻侵害って、プロパガンダ、宣伝のことを忘れたいたがようやくにして、ロシア人はローマ皇帝張りにパンとサーカスを反撃を始めた。

中央広場の景色はシュールリアリスティックな場面で、ロンドン交響楽団の指揮者の、オセチア人のバレリ・ゲルギエフが指揮するコンサートが行われようとしていた。チャイコフスキーの田園、ショスターコビッチのシンフォニー第7番(ドイツからのレニングラドを守る戦士の為に作られた音楽)が演奏された。

Communication became easier once we stopped relying on local interpreters, who were too terrified to be useful. On Aug. 18, thanks to a Russian-speaking German colleague, we finally got the message through to the Russian commander, Gen. Vyacheslav Borissov.

“The longer you keep us out, the more the world will speculate whether Russia is committing or at least allowing genocide, looting and such. If you want to show you’re bringing peace and not pillaging, then let us in!”

It took a few days, but eventually they did let us in. It was easier for the Moscow-based correspondents, who already had Russian accreditation. But what about all the others?
Where should we apply for Russian accreditation – in Georgia? But why should we need Russian accreditation at all if we are still in Georgian territory?

“Because you are in Russia!” was the sarcastic response we got from Lt. Serghei Ivanov, the military policeman who one day appeared at Gori’s Russian checkpoint.
After days of dealing with front-line neanderthals (“just like the U.S. troops in Iraq,” as one colleague wryly noted) we took this flash of irony as a good sign. And indeed, since for an MP, Ivanov turned out to have quite a sense of humor.

The Russians were moving on to “embed” us – although to call it a “bed” is a stretch. With the Russian army you don’t get helicopters or air-conditioned buses – no way! And you don’t get to just slip between the sheets. To get on the list, we had to use every ruse we could imagine. I resorted to invoking the name of Totti, the Italian soccer player who, as I discovered, Borissov reveres.

Finally we got an SMS message: “Meet under Stalin’s statue in Gori at 11 a.m. We’ll take you to (the South Ossetian capital of) Tskhinvali.” Coming from Sasha Mechevsky, a Kremlin press officer, it seemed to hold some authority.

It was good we chose to set out from Tbilisi early in the morning, because
we were held up at a new Russian checkpoint, well short of Gori, that had mushroomed overnight.

“No Russian accreditation, no access,” this new pack of neanderthals told us.
We showed them the SMS message, but still no go. We asked them to check with the Gori checkpoint or the Kremlin press office. “Nyet!”

DON’T WORRY, YOU’LL STILL BE ON TIME FOR THE CONCERT!
Luckily, someone had a mobile phone number for Sasha the press officer. And after many tries someone named Misha finally answered. “Yes, no problem, we’ll pick you up there. Where are you?”

Following this question, a whole new set of problems. Just for the Russians to explain over the phone where we were standing took at least 10 minutes. But that was obviously not good enough for the first driver sent to fetch us, because he got lost.

By late afternoon, after hours in the hot sun, we were all getting desperate. But with the call that finally reassured
us we would be picked up came a puzzling promise: “Don’t worry, you’ll still be on time for the concert!”

Concert, what concert?

When the bus finally arrived at sunset there was not enough room for all of us who had stuck it out through six hours in the sun – especially with a number of uninvited guests aboard.

“They are farmers and they need a lift. I can’t leave them on the road,” Sasha the press officer explained. So 62 of us crammed into a 24-seater Hyundai minibus.
After one war-savvy colleague suggested they might accidentally spew bullets at random, with every bump we nervously eyed the two armed Kalashnikovs slung casually over the front seat.

At long last, around 6 p.m. we reached the “cruelly and cowardly bombed” city of Tskhinvali. It used to have a population of some 70,000; today less than half that number remain. Most inhabitants are Ossetians who speak a unique language of Persian origin. But most also speak Russian. They hold Russian passports and are covered by the Russian national health and pension systems.

We found that Tskhinvali had, in fact, not been destroyed. Although many buildings had clearly been hit directly or damaged, it was hardly an apocalyptic scenario.

But our arrival coincided with the start of a Russian offensive. Finally realizing that in focusing on the shooting war they had neglected the propaganda front, the Russians counterattacked with gusto worthy of the Roman emperors: “Panem et circenses” – bread and circuses.

Sadly, the Russians forgot the bread, but the circus was a coup!

Arriving in the central square, we could hear the first, tentative notes of the concert. It was a surrealistic scene. Ordinary people, journalists and soldiers were hanging all over the tanks, everyone seeking a good vantage point.

Valeri Gergiev, the internationally renowned – and Ossetian – conductor of the London Symphony Orchestra, had been brought in for a concert billed as “historic.” And we all felt the emotional power of Tchaikovsky’s Pathétique symphony and Shostakovich’s Symphony No. 7, which was dedicated to the defenders of Leningrad during the Nazi siege of that city.

“FREEDOM OF INFORMATION IS IMPORTANT, BUT LIFE IS MORE IMPORTANT.”
On an embedded military tour you expect tight, obsessive security and control. But our Russians handlers surprised us by sending us out with some simple cautionary advice: “You can walk around freely; just be advised there are still Georgian snipers around. Freedom of information is important, but life is more important”

ロシアの軍の取材は厳しいと思ったらそうではなかった。自由に動いてもいいが、そげ機種が狙っているかもしれない。情報の自由より、命の方が重要だという注意事項だけだった。オセチア人にとっては、グルジア人の方が長年の侵略者であるから、グルジアの悪口をオセチア人が言って、グルジアに厳しいのは当たり前である。

イタリア人の著者は、結論をまとめる。

悲しみと破壊を見てきたが、グルジアとオセチアから帰ってきて、ある種の楽観的な見方をすることが出来る。

第一に、チェチェンとか他の紛争の事を考えれば、奇妙でありえないことになることかもしれないが、自分が診たことからすれば、ロシア軍は、振る舞いが出来るということである。プラハの春のときや、アフガニスタン侵攻のときのロシア戦車とは明らかに異なる。

南オセチアに介入したロシア軍は、南オセチアがグルジア攻撃の犠牲者であり、それを救助し世とする政治的な一貫性が見られた。逆に、西側や、NATO側は、偽善的で56年、68年のときと同じように、つまり、ハンガリーとチェコが、ロシアの戦車でつぶされたのと同様にヤルタ体制の温存を図るばかりでハンガリーとチェコがつぶされるのを見ぬふりをしたのと同様の偽善で、オセチアがつぶされるのを見過ごしたのである。

ヨーロッパは外交の術で対応している、戦車や爆撃の代わりに、暴発可能性のある状況の不発にしようと慎重に外交活動をしている。いつものようにアメリカ外交に頭を下げることだけという単純なやりかたではなく対応していることを、ヨーロッパ人の一人として誇りにすると付け加えている。

We all went out to take pictures and interview people. There were no official interpreters and the discreet distance maintained by soldiers following us showed they were there to protect more than control us.

As Ossetians have for years seen Georgians as aggressors, it was no surprise the people we met spoke bitterly of Georgia's assault.

“Why did they do this? They tore my house down,” protested Gennady Kokoiev, professor of economics at Tskhinvali University.

“Only my vineyard survived. Do you think we could ever forget this? What this fascist guy named Sakaashvili achieved is that we are now going to declare our full independence. There is no way we can ever again live under Georgian sovereignty.”

Looking back on the experience, despite the despair and destruction we witnessed I came away from Georgia and Ossetia with a certain optimism.

First, odd and difficult as it may be to accept, given what happened in Chechnya and other conflicts, what I saw indicated to me that Russians troops can “behave.”

The Russian tanks I saw did not remind me of that crushed Prague Spring or the invasion of Afghanistan. The impression I came away with is that this time Russia showed guts and political coherence by “intervening” in South Ossetia – the victim of an unprovoked attacked by the Georgian government. By contrast, NATO and the West come out of this looking glib and hypocritical, exactly like they did in ’56 and ’68, when they didn’t dare challenge the Yalta postwar order and didn’t help the people of Hungary and Czechoslovakia as they were crushed under Soviet tanks.

Secondly, as a European, for once I am happy to see Europe responding with prudence and diplomatic skill – instead of tanks and indiscriminate bombings – to defuse a potentially explosive situation, without simply bowing as usual to U.S. foreign policy.

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